Reflections of a Contrarian: Second Thoughts on the Parish Ministry

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Why not share! Visual Communication of the Environ Embed Size px. Start on. Show related SlideShares at end. WordPress Shortcode. EcoLabs Follow. Published in: Environment. Full Name Comment goes here. Are you sure you want to Yes No. Browse by Genre Available eBooks Show More. Kayttie Esperat. No Downloads. Views Total views. Actions Shares.

Embeds 0 No embeds. No notes for slide. Mapping Climate Communication Dr. Mapping Climate Communication No. To compare media coverage with events, follow graph at the bottom right to events directly above. The legends display icons and colours used in the timelines. Information on the methodology, theory and references for this work are available in the Poster Summary Report published online 15 October This project was completed by Dr.

Boehnert colorado. The video is popular with politicians in Washington. Hopenhagend becomes a symbol of the corporate capture of the climate debate. This done in order to explore other tensions as described in the "Theorizing Discursive Confusion" section of the Poster Summary Report. Neoliberal governance simultaneously rolls-back responsibilities of the state and rolls-out market conforming regulatory incursions Peck, In practice, neoliberalism seeks to mask these dynamics by presenting itself as environmentally conscientious while avoiding action to reduce net greenhouse gas emissions.

Despite the green rhetoric there is a symbiosis between this and the contrarian discourse, since the lack of regulation enables corporate power grabs and weakens capacities in the public sphere to regulate and monitor polluting industrial activities. Discourses are shared ways understanding the world and framing problems. The discourses represent positions on climate change motivated by science or not and ideology. Mapping discursive positions is a means of exploring different assump- tions and perspectives behind various ways of communicating climate change.

Advocates demand radical changes to reduce emissions while also addressing issues of social justice and equity. The radical position holds that capitalism can never deliver sustainable levels of emission, since this economic model will always prioritize the needs of the market over those of the natural world. New ways of organizing social rela- tions and the political economy must be created to respond to climate change. Bush for rejecting Kyoto US President George H.

Effective end of debate among all but a few scientists. Second IPCC report detects signature of human-caused greenhouse effect warming, declares that serious warming is likely in the coming century. Fourth IPCC report warns that serious effects of warming have become evident and that the cost of reducing emissions would be far less than the damage they will cause if not reduced. Vancouver Alaska Gov. Nafta has a dramatic impact on global trade and emissions. The Climate by Naomi Klein 5 Climate contrarians have ideological motives behind their critiques of various dimensions of climate science and the policies directed at lowering emissions.

Typically contrarians challenge what they see as a false consensus in climate science. The Climate Timeline visualizes the historical processes and events that have lead to the growth of various ways of communicating climate change. This work aims to reveal discursive obfuscations by highlighting both what was said and what was done in regard to climate change. It explores the impact of neoliberalism on climate change communication and opens discursive space for the climate justice discourse.

Prior to a much smaller sample of data is available. A novel that argues that global warming is a scam created by environmentalists to gain planetary control is popular with by contrarians in Washington and widely used to dismiss climate change. The Climate Timeline explores the history of climate communication.

The work illustrates the temporal growth of various climate discourses by mapping historical processes and events that have lead to different ways of communicating and understanding climate change. The media monitoring graph displays media peaks and dips which correspond to the events in the timeline directly above. This poster provides an overview of the major events in climate communication history as well as the forces that obscure and denigrate climate science and climate policy.

Indigenous action on tar sands extraction - 'Largest-ever' climate-change march in NYC attended by an estimated k to k people - and marchs in cities around the world mobilization of the climate movement!!! They call it pollution. We call it life. Funding contrarian organizations. Malaysia World Development Movement founded London Annual Cycle Apr Jul Oct Carbondioxideconcentration ppmv The Keeling Curve The Keeling Curve plots the carbon dioxide in Earth's atmosphere since The poster is part of a series of three posters mapping climate communication created by: Dr.

Nodes are color-coded according to where they are situated on this discursive framework. The four corners are extreme positions relative to discursive norms that currently reproduce the status quo, i. The twelve types types of actors listed above are coded by circumference lines. Discourses are also concepts that frame a problem.

Bishop Barron on Having a “Personal Relationship” with Jesus

Mapping discursive positions is a means of understanding the similarities and differences between various ways of under- standing climate change. Advocates demand radical changes in modes of governance to reduce emissions while also addressing issues of social justice and equity. Thus new ways of organizing social relations and the political economy must be created to effectively respond to climate change. This broad discourse is supported by the vast majority of actors in the central part of the framework blue, green and grey.

Despite the green rhetoric there is a symbiosis between this and the contrarian discourse, since the lack of regulation enables corporate power grabs and weakens capacities in the public sphere.

See a Problem?

The poster is an interpretation of this data based on many complex factors. The map neglects work done in the rest of the world, often with a greater focus on climate justice and a much smaller contrarian position. I regret that within this project I could only realistically map organizations that I already knew or where I could read the language.

It was also impossible to review work from all the actors on this map so in some cases an actor may be slightly misplaced on the framework. If you feel that this map misrepresents your organization or person, I will take all comments into account on possible following versions. My apologies to all relevant actors who are not on this map. Obviously there are practical limits to what one map can document. The methodology is published on their website: www.

Lyle E. Schaller | Open Library

Introduction The Mapping Climate Communication project illustrates key events, participants and strategies in climate communication with two maps: The Climate Timeline CT visualizes the historical processes and events that have lead to the growth of various ways of communicating climate change.

Introduction 2 Climate communication in this project refers to all of the ways in which public understanding of climate change is developed through social communication processes. This includes both explicit messaging and implicit messaging. In other words it includes communication by omission, i. Original research questions: How can climate communication networks be visualized to support transparency and analysis of system dynamics in climate communication processes?

How does visualizing ecological and socio-political systems facilitate collaboration, support learning, inform analysis and build capacity for environmentally informed decision-making? With design methods, tools and practices, I developed an approach to address problems in climate communication. I used design strategies timelines, bubble charts, network visualizations, concept mapping and systems oriented design in the construction of these posters. It is weird.

We can look down the avenues and see the still billowing smoke, as though watching a foreign country under attack, but of course it is our city, and our country. Before and after September 11, what difference will it make? It will inaugurate a time of national unity and sobriety in a society that has been obsessed by fake pluralisms while on a long and hedonistic holiday from history. Second, there will be an understandable passion for retaliation and revenge that could easily veer into reckless bellicosity.

Table of contents

That is a danger. The other danger is that fear of that danger will compromise the imperative to protect and punish. Third, a legitimate concern for increased security will spark a legitimate concern for personal freedoms. Many will warn that freedom cannot be protected by denying freedom, and such warnings should not be lightly dismissed, even as we know that the liberty we cherish is not unbridled license but ordered liberty.

Without order there can be no liberty; it is for liberty that we surrender license. I expect that many Americans who never understood that will now be having long second thoughts. Fourth, after some initial sortings out, America will identify itself even more closely with Israel. Disagreements over the justice of how Israel was founded and how it has maintained itself in existence will not disappear. But the diabolical face of the evil that threatens Israel, and us, is now unveiled. Among Americans and all who are part of our civilization, it will be understood that we must never surrender, or appear to be surrendering, to that evil.

Innocent Muslims in this country and Europe are undoubtedly in for some nastiness, and we must do our best to communicate the distinction between Islam and Islamism, knowing that the latter is the monistic fanaticism embraced by only a minority of Muslims. But almost inevitably, given the passions aroused and the difficulties of enforcing the law among people who are largely alien in their ways, such distinctions will sometimes get lost.

These are but first thoughts one day after. Only a little south of here thousands are buried under the rubble. So it is now to the tasks at hand. It will be the work of weeks, perhaps months, to give them a proper burial. The consolation of the living is a work without end. For instance, Luke 14, the gospel for the 23rd Sunday in Ordinary Time. Well, not a real cross, of course. Yes, he speaks about a devotion that claims all your heart, all your soul, and all your mind, but what he means, of course, is that God will be quite pleased with a piece of your heart, soul, and mind that is not previously claimed.

The Semitic mind, and the African as well, can only entertain two extremes: truth and falsehood, love and hate, light and darkness. We who are not Semites or Africans understand about nuances. Thus do the facilitators of a comfortable Christianity explain the words of Jesus by explaining them away.

And, after all, he was a Semite. It was a sympathetic story, without a touch of liberal irony. Stanek was a nurse at Christ Hospital and Medical Center in Oak Lawn, Illinois, a presumably Christian hospital where they committed abortions and put babies who survived the procedure in a utility room to die. At first, Ms. Stanek insisted that she at least be permitted to hold the babies until they died.

Then she went public about what the hospital was doing. Then she was fired. I have a lot more trouble understanding why people are willing to forgo an eternity for concerns about what their peers think. That the love for which Jesus calls is so intense, so singular, so unqualified that all other loves and he surely commands us to love others appear, by comparison, to be not love at all, to be even the opposite of love, to be hatred. Or maybe the point is that even the best of loves such as love for family can become evil and hateful when not ordered to the love of God.

Perhaps to deeply disturb. I am encouraging her to think about that very carefully. The tangled web we weave when first we practice to deceive Sir Walter Scott becomes more tangled still with continuing practice. Ellis, Founding Brothers. Ellis, who has taught for many years at Mount Holyoke College, has been among the most acclaimed of American historians, and the present book would justly enhance his reputation, were it not for what we now know.

It is not easy, however. Nor, and again unlike Strachey, is his purpose to expose buried dirt to the light of day. When some months ago the Boston Globe revealed that Ellis had for years been trading on a completely fabricated history of his years in Vietnam, including his serving on the staff of General William Westmoreland and engagement in dangerous missions, the reports met with cries of disbelief and disillusionment. But in fact, Ellis had never been in Vietnam, and spent the war years teaching at West Point.

Ellis not only deployed the elaborately detailed fiction for purposes of dinner party chatter but repeated it in interviews with national media, and even made it a chief attraction in his popular course on the Vietnam War in American history. The charges against Ellis are not disputed, although there is disagreement on what to make of the unhappy facts. Of course there is an element of personal tragedy in an eminent historian so exposing himself to shame, contempt, and, from some, pity.

Others claim to see more in the Ellis case. It is, they say, but an instance revealing the degree to which the tangled web of deceit has spread through academic culture.

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To cite but a few examples from recent years, there is the infamous case of Martha Nussbaum of the University of Chicago, who, in the service of gay rights, gave false testimony in court—and it is hard to believe she did not know it was false—about the moral teaching of Plato and other ancients on homosexuality. Although some thought she should have been, Professor Nussbaum was not charged with perjury. Many other instances that have come to public knowledge might be cited, and of course there is the frequent fact of plagiarism and trimming the truth to accommodate special pleading in causes beyond number.

What is to be expected when the very word truth is fashionably supplied with ironic quotation marks? The question of whether the case of Joseph Ellis has helped to thicken or unravel the tangled web of academic mendacity, however, should not distract our attention from peculiarly interesting aspects of the case itself. Nor is his tangled web of deception confined to the course on Vietnam and American history. In the book American Sphinx , Ellis agreed with most Jefferson scholars since , when the rumor was first circulated, that the Sally Hemings connection was unsubstantiated and implausible.

That is also the conclusion reached this year by a commission of scholars, both pro-and anti-Jefferson, who studied the DNA evidence and related arguments. But Ellis is now firmly on the other side. Ellis was a leader of the partisan forces defending Clinton. In explaining Jefferson and exculpating Clinton and himself? Thus, it would seem, Ellis offers us Clinton refracted through his construal of Jefferson, and all refracted through his own entanglement in a web of lies. Ellis provides expert testimony on the difficulties in lying well.

Jefferson, he writes in Founding Brothers , was given to interpreting reality as he wanted it to be. Ellis would appear to agree, and to more than half admire the trait in Clinton even as, in order to excuse it in Clinton, he attributes it to Jefferson. The Christian tradition is very definite about the evil of lying, and some have thought that—in the case of St. Augustine, for instance—it is excessively rigorous. For instance: If you were hiding Jews in your house, would you tell the truth to a Nazi Jew-killer who asked if there are any Jews in your house?

There is, I believe, a convincing answer, but that is for another day. I confess to having told my share of fibs, but with each passing year I have become more convinced that to tell a lie, any lie, is to besmirch reality. What is true need not always be told and sometimes, as in the case of confidences, should not be told. But to lie is to soil and make ugly the order of truth, which is beautiful. It is to make the world more unreliable; it is to sin against words, and words bear the structure of trust on which all life depends—penultimately life with one another, and ultimately life with God.

One lie, every lie, wounds the world. The tale of Joseph Ellis is a personal tragedy, but a personal tragedy with large public meaning. And not only in the academy. Once begun, there is no ending, for lies beget the lies by which they are sustained on their inexorable course from the wounding to the killing of trust. Inexorable, that is, apart from repentance and amendment of life.

Warren S. Benson

Your parents were right, even if they did not always live the truth they taught: Never, never ever, tell a lie. The Spectator of London frequently reflects a nutty brand of Tory conservatism, as in an article in support of eugenics by Terence Kealey of Buckingham University. Kealey is all over the place. It is their portion to die out. Nor should it. Kealey proceeds to argue for the rehabilitation of eugenics. There is, to be sure, the cautionary tale of Nazism. Why was Nazi science so perverted?

Kealey asks. Surely as Mr. Kealey is prone to saying the danger is not with science run amok. Actually, one can make a good case for Hiroshima as a humanitarian solution to the Second World War. As to who will be in charge of the department of discretion in his brave new world, Mr. Kealey says it must not be the government. That is what went wrong with Nazism, he says.

Eugenics needs no state funding, he writes. Kealey concludes by urging that we bypass the Nazi unpleasantness and return to the eugenics project of a century ago. As long as we can reserve the scientists their freedom but allow them no power, then we should extract the maximum benefits from the minimum of risks. The writer is Terence Kealey, the magazine is the Spectator , the disposition is called conservatism.

See above on softening of the head. In the world of sociobiology, lovers are bustling about, stumbling through their relationships, deceiving one another, wooing and warring with one another from very different, even contradictory, scripts of love—and yet, somehow, when all is said and done, these mismatched lovers land in bed together, men on top, cunningly trapped by the inexorable logic of reproductive success. Marriage is an erotic bond that bridges the fundamental sexual divide within the human species. It is an intersexual coupling, but it is not just about self-enhancing satisfaction; it is a procreative bond that generates human life.

It resonates through the poetry, religion, art, myth, and symbols of the human spirit. Marriage embraces the life, the passions, the beauty, the journeys, the betrayals, the dreams, and, ultimately, the death of the other. A symptom of the curious flatness of our postmodern sexual culture is its growing inability to perceive the elemental depths and power of this primordial human bond. Our priests have grown in pastoral sensitivity and kindness, and want to help you be reconciled with the Lord. What ever happened to ex opere operato? Some might go so far as to claim that it was the insensitive and uncaring priests who used to test, and thereby strengthen, faith.

A friend who is a nationally prominent public figure decided after many years away that it was time to get right with Christ and the Church.

John DiIulio insisted that Faith-Based come first in the title, and so it was. Perhaps that was a mistake. Perhaps it was a mistake to put Faith-Based in the title at all. Why not just Community Initiatives, it being made clear that there would be no discrimination against community initiatives that are faith-based? Extreme church-state separationists, as well as figures such as Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell, worry out loud about the dangers of religious nuts e. Joel Belz of World magazine contends that such worries are the result of a deep conceptual confusion. Everything in life is faith-based, he says; everybody puts his faith in something or the other and is prone to proselytize on behalf of his decision.

The question is where you have put it. All of them are regularly asking you to adjust your worldview, to shift your point of reference, and to put your confidence somewhere besides where you have regularly placed it. They do this with abandon, and with no fear at all that Uncle Sam might swoop in and threaten to take away their funding unless they adjust their message. So why do they get federal funds to do exactly what others are prohibited from doing?

A version of that doctrine is powerfully advanced by Justice Antonin Scalia. In this view, an organization, belief, or action that is religious in nature is neither privileged nor penalized when it comes to laws of general applicability. For most purposes of public policy, that is a useful view. In effect, it makes nugatory the religion clause, which, it can be argued on a strictly historical reading, had no purpose but to assure the states that the federal government would neither establish a national religion nor interfere with those established by states.

Some of us contend, however, that the original understanding included more than that. The religion clause, with its no-establishment and free exercise provisions, implicitly acknowledges an authority higher than the state, and, correlatively, privileges an appeal to that Higher Authority. These are, admittedly, tangled questions on which mountains of books have been written, and about which we will likely never reach a satisfactory resolution.

If it goes down to defeat, the loss will be severe, and the radically secularist proponents of the naked public square will be strengthened. Right now, it seems to me, our job is to support the initiative. Later we can argue about whether it should have been called the Office on Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, and we have the rest of our lives to argue about the correct understanding of the First Amendment.

Paul Area Minnesota , as its presiding bishop. He was widely perceived as the liberal candidate, although he made a strong pitch for evangelism, and the assembly approved a task force to come up with a comprehensive evangelism strategy in the next two years. The initiative is called Toward a Vision for Evangelism in the ELCA , which sounds a little like a task force to develop an approach to foreplay.

The Episcopalians have already made clear their unhappiness with that. The gay and lesbian agenda was a big presence at the assembly and made significant gains. A motion to simply go ahead and ordain sexually active gays and lesbians failed, but another official study of the matter was approved and its recommendations will be brought to the assembly. They are determined to press their agenda. More, they are the only interest group willing to break the ELCA—an estimated loss of one to two million members—in order to have their way.

But not, one must add, surprising. That the Missouri Lutherans thought that is no surprise; that they said it, officially and overwhelmingly, struck some as being not very nice. In the controversy over one much-publicized case, Fr. When it was communion Sunday at Southeast Christian Church in Louisville, Kentucky, it took seven volunteers thirty hours to fill the trays of individual shot glasses, as they are somewhat irreverently called, with grape juice.

Until, that is, inventor Wilfred Greenlee joined the church and cut the preparation time down to an hour and a half. A push of a lever on the side allows just enough juice to fill each cup half full. The phrase has possibilities. In two thousand years we have learned a thing or two about efficiency. He was especially unhappy about the inclusion of Catholics, first, because the Nazis came for the Protestants first, and, second, because he in fact did speak up for persecuted Catholics. The story is based on a poll done by a magazine that specializes in the paranormal and holds that Jesus was only in a drugged state.

The more remarkable finding to be reasonably inferred from the muddled British poll is that more than 80 percent believe that there was a Jesus, that he was crucified, and that he later appeared to the disciples. The interesting disconnect is that so few who claim to believe that gather to celebrate the event with his contemporary disciples. Bishop Richard Lewis of St. After the Netherlands became the first nation to legalize the killing of the old and not so old who would—in their judgment or in the judgment of a properly authorized party—be better off dead, the minister of health, Mrs.

Els Borst-Eilers, has a further proposal. There are some people, she notes, who would prefer to kill themselves rather than depend upon a doctor. She suggests that such people should be provided with a suicide pill. Perhaps some kind of measuring instrument could be devised.

Have we left anyone out? Or maybe it is not that the breads are in the Jesuit tradition but that they are baked in the Jesuit tradition. Or maybe this exegetical exercise is in the Jesuit tradition. Moreover, what he calls dissident or iconoclastic art is very much the mainstream today. Iconoclasts every one. He spoke recently to a Commonweal -sponsored colloquium on Catholics and liberalism. I believe the Democratic Party has made a serious and indeed historic mistake in turning Roe v.

Wade into a litmus test for party leadership. Regrettably, I do not expect this to change any time soon. But there are people in positions of leadership in the party who believe it was a mistake.

How Jewish Do American Jews Want to Be?

Catholics may be affronted by a legal code that permits acts they view as abominable. But in circumstances of deep moral diversity, the alternative to enduring these affronts is even worse. And why is protecting the unborn, forbidding euthanasia, and not putting homosexuality on a moral par with marriage and family worse than the alternative?

Unless, of course, one favors the alternative supported by those who impose their views on others? Galston to Catholics: we welcome you, on our terms. Distinctions are in order. For instance, there would seem to be a clear causal connection between having an abortion and the incidence of breast cancer. But a pro-life newsletter suggests such a connection also between abortion and the incidence of suicide. Research does indicate that the rate of suicide among women who have had abortions is 7.

It is also true that women who obtain an abortion are much more likely to turn to drug abuse and die in car accidents. But in asking whether the connections are to be explained in terms of correlation, cause, or coincidence, it is well to keep in mind another factor: character. It may be that the kind of woman who is party to the killing of her baby is also prone to drug abuse, reckless driving, and suicide. And it may be that guilt and related inner conflicts connected with abortion lead to the other pathologies.

Since a sense of guilt over wrong is a sign of character, it may be that character, in the absence of forgiveness, can also lead to other great wrongs. What is all too clear is that the many facets of the culture of death are of a piece. She allows the middle-brow, middle class to love itself for all its poignant insufficiency. Not lower class or upper class but wrong class. They struggle, but out of earshot.

They are the last people one would see on talk shows, the last people who would go into therapy—no matter how much they might need it. Some of us know such people very well, and to see them explained, even a little, in American literature makes us glad. Now D. Guttenplan has published The Holocaust on Trial , a detailed account of those proceedings. Writing in the New Yorker , Ian Buruma agrees with Guttenplan that organizations such as the Anti-Defamation League make a mistake in demanding that everybody toe the line on Holocaust history.

That strikes me as precisely right, and precisely because it deprives deniers of their claim that challenges to the received account are not permitted. That answer may be simplistic or unfair, but Leon J. Podles, writing in Touchstone , notes that predatory pedophiles have been a chronic problem in Scouting and that, while there is a necessary distinction between homosexuality and pedophilia, the problem is almost always with men who are homosexual.

They insisted on wearing their jeans in the communal shower—while showering! Almost all men and boys see any indication of homosexuality as a threat to masculinity, and masculinity is the center of identity for almost all men. Becoming a man and staying a man is not simply a matter of physical growth: a boy must face physical, mental, and moral challenges before he can become a man, a father, and a community leader. Homosexual activists hate the Scouts because the Scouts are the biggest organization dedicated to turning boys into men, and this organization rejects homosexuality because it is incompatible with masculinity.

And the Boy Scouts will no doubt continue to resist the pressure. For the reasons that Podles gives, but also because almost all parents want the assurance that nobody is going to mess around with their sons. For reasons that have nothing to do with bigotry, they do not want their sons messed with, and they do not want their sons to be homosexual. If they turn out to be that way, most parents will still love them, but they pray and do what they can in the hope of being spared that duty.

And that is why the Boy Scouts and the homosexual movement, each operating by its own values and its own interests, are locked in an uncompromisable standoff. On assumptions like these, it seems as though Lutherans and Catholics could reach consensus on justification only by wholly adopting the views of one or another school of Lutheran theology. Consensus could only result if the American dropped his own way of measuring temperatures and agreed henceforth to do it the French way.

The document declared that there is unanimity between Lutherans and Catholics on the most basic elements of the doctrine of justification. Regarding a number of specific points traditionally in dispute, it argues that while a substantial overlap obtains between the two traditions often unnoticed in historical polemics , noteworthy differences of outlook and theological formulation also remain.

In at least one case it grants that the two traditions may simply disagree. On every doctrinal matter think of the Trinity or the Incarnation , different and sometimes conflicting schools of thought and interpretation have generally flourished within the Christian community, and the Church has seen little need to resolve these differences where there was basic doctrinal agreement. The joint declaration poses to us Lutherans a challenge unlike any we have confronted since the sixteenth century. The Collapse of Communism , edited by Lee Edwards and published by Hoover Press, includes essays on Western intellectuals and religious figures who, when it came to the Soviet Union, were especially skilled in selective perception.